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2016 - From Description to Explanation: An Empirical Exploration of the African-American Pipeline Problem in STEM

Attribution: Brown, Bryan A., Henderson, Bryan, Gray, Salina, Donovan, Brian, Sullivan, Shayna, Patterson, Alexis, & Waggstaff, William
Researchers: Alexis PattersonBrian DonovanBryan A. BrownBryan HendersonSalina GrayShayna SullivanWilliam Waggstaff
University Affiliation: Stanford University
Email: brbrown@stanford.ed
Research Question:
Which contemporary theoretical perspectives on access and participation best explain the differences between African-American science majors in the pipeline and those African-Americans who have successfully matriculated into STEM careers?
Published: Yes
Journal Name or Institutional Affiliation: Journal of Research in Science Teaching
Journal Entry: Vol. 53, No. 1, Pp. 146-177
Year: 2016
Findings:

– Although both groups recognized the major role of race in their experiences, the primary factor distinguishing between students and professionals was their sense of “alignment” with their respective community and their different experiences with subtle forms of racism (Microaggressions).
– If one experienced microaggressions, an individual may begin to feel like an outsider, or misaligned, with the science community.
– The qualitative data indicated that students did not adopt the diverse management strategies used by the scientists. So whether they adopted a meritocracy lens or a “black tax” lens the scientists were more likely to assume racial bias to be a part of the community and choose to work around that bleak reality.
– For both students’ and scientists a feeling of alignment with a community is a powerful predictor of a number of other experiences. As a student feels more aligned with the scientific community, the less likely they were to report experiencing Microaggressions. As a result, this type of student would be more likely to express being engaged in the STEM community.
– African-American scientists were far more likely to report a weak sense of belonging to their community and were far more likely to report subtle encounters with racism. By contrast, African-American science students were more likely to feel comfortable with the science community and less likely to report subtle racist encounters.
– As these scientists attempted to work in their fields their constantly being reminded of their difference produced a sense of cultural mismatch and ultimately, a sense of not feeling aligned with the community.
– As individuals maintain a strong sense of racial pride and racial identity, they are more likely to report negative experiences that are rooted in racial interactions.
– Scientists discussed how their performance was critical to their success and failure in ways that were not matched by black science majors.
– Many black scientists claim that being reminded of racial identity by backhanded claims of exceptionalism and being used as a token of diversity often produced a sense of disconnection.
– The message was clear the subtext of racial bias created a community where scientist has to actively work to gain a sense of inclusion despite messages to the contrary. This finding adds to quantitative result that suggested microaggressions negatively correlated to alignment.

* What factors cause individuals to persist in STEM.

Scholarship Types: Journal Article Reporting Empirical ResearchKeywords: AccessAfrican AmericanBarriersIdentityMicro-AggressionsPersistenceRaceScienceRegions: NationalMethodologies: MixedResearch Designs: SurveyAnalysis Methods: Descriptive StatisticsPearson Correlations Sampling Frame:Black Science Students and Scientists
Sampling Types: Non-Random - PurposiveAnalysis Units: ScientistStudentData Types: Mixed-Cross Sectional
Data Description:

The authors looked at the contemporary theories within the literature related to African-American’s in STEM and came up with questions for each theory. All the questions used a 5-point Likert scale. The authors also added open-ended items for each theoretical construct. The constructs they ended up with were:

– Microagressions- (There are instances in the sciences where I experience subtle forms of racism. There are occasions where I experience subtle racism because I am a (Black scientist/ science major). People say things to me that are racist because I am a (Black scientist/science major). There are instances in which I feel that people speak to me differently, but not overtly racist, because I am a (Black scientist/science major).
-Fictive Kinship- (My performances represents all other Black (scientists/students). My success or failure in my science represents all other (Black scientists/science majors). The way I conduct myself on my job is a reflection of all Black people).
– Achievement Ideology- (I believe that my job and title are solely related to my achievements in the field. I believe that my salary is solely related to my achievements in the field. I believe that my prestige in my scientific(field/major) is solely related to my achievements in the field.)
– Alignment- (My Black identity provides me a sense of belonging to the scientific (community/ major). As a Black person, I feel like others see me as a legitimate member of the scientific(community/my science major). I feel a strong sense of belonging to the scientific (community/science major).
– Engagement- (The extent to which I can relate to other scientists/students in my (field/major) is limited because of my race. As I engage in the science community, I feel less like a member of the community because of my being Black.)
– Cultural Inversion- ( I continue to engage in cultural activities that others consider Black regardless of what the mainstream community thinks. I enjoy engaging in Black culture, even when it makes non-Black (scientists/students) uncomfortable.

An additional goal of this study was to explore the experiences of scientists across a diverse set of science contexts. To do this, they selected to draw a comparison between two unique groups; scientists and science students. The rationale in selecting these two populations is rooted in their hope to identify any potential differences in the experiences for those who have made it through the pipeline and those currently navigating the science pipeline.

To recruit individuals, the authors engaged in a matrix of recruitment activities. The results of the recruitment process yielded 304 African-American scientists and 307 African-American science majors nation-wide.

Theoretical Framework:
Relevance:Barriers to STEM
Archives: K-16 STEM Abstracts
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