– Kindergarten general knowledge was the strongest predictor of first-grade general knowledge, which in turn was the strongest predictor of children’s science achievement from third to eighth grade.
– Large science achievement gaps were evident when science achievement measures first became available in third grade. These gaps persisted until at least the end of eighth grade.
– Some groups of children enter U.S. kindergarten classrooms already far less knowledgeable about the natural and social sciences than other groups of children. These preexisting general knowledge gaps in turn strongly predict general knowledge gaps in first grade, which in turn strongly predict science achievement gaps in third grade.
– However, these early-appearing gaps may be exacerbated by other modifiable factors. These include whether children also experience lower reading and mathematics achievement as they age and the racial-ethnic composition of the schools they attend, possibly due to attending lower-resourced schools.
– From third through eighth grades, experiencing lower reading and mathematics achievement is predictive of these science achievement gaps’ persistence.
– Overall, the strongest contributors to science achievement gaps in the United States are general knowledge gaps that are already present at kindergarten entry.
– Higher-quality parenting is associated with greater academic achievement, although our results suggest that the unique association of parenting with science achievement is quite modest by the elementary and middle school grades.
– These early-appearing gaps may be exacerbated by other modifiable factors. These include whether children also experience lower reading and mathematics achievement as they age and the racial-ethnic composition of the schools they attend, possibly due to attending lower-resourced schools.
– Black children often follow a cumulative trajectory in that they experience both initially lower and then somewhat slower science achievement growth. These gaps remain evident despite extensive statistical controls, although they are largely explained by the study’s many other factors (e.g., reading and mathematics achievement, behavioral self-regulation, SES, and parenting).
– Children who are Black displayed significantly lower growth rates than children who are White, but the difference is small in magnitude. By contrast, the science achievement of Hispanics, Asians, and those from non-English-speaking homes grew slightly faster than that of Whites or those from English-speaking homes
– The science achievement gaps between lower- and higher-SES children are also consistent with a cumulative achievement growth model.
– These findings suggest that science achievement gaps begin to occur early in the school career and are largely stable as children age.
– Consistent with a “threshold hypothesis,” language-minority children initially display lower science achievement, but this is followed by greater achievement growth. However, their greater achievement growth was fully explained by the study’s other modifiable factors.
– Efforts to address science achievement gaps in the United States likely require intensified early intervention efforts, particularly those delivered before the primary grades. If unaddressed, science achievement gaps emerge by kindergarten and continue until at least the end of eighth grade.